Even for a legislature that has churned out some of the country’s narrowest abortion laws, this rhetoric is extreme — at least while Roe v. Wade stands
Photo: Jeff Roberson/AP/Shutterstock Conservative Missouri lawmakers have long had a preference for extremity when it comes to abortion law: The state passed an eight-week ban in 2019, and in arguing against exceptions to restrictions, its politicians are always placing qualifiers such as legitimate and consensual in front of the word rape. But last week, lawmakers outdid themselves, proposing two policies that are stunning in their cruelty.
Though a number of states have been experimenting with their own versions of Texas’s six-week ban, Missouri representative Mary Elizabeth Coleman is the first to apply its enforcement mechanism to travel. She appended her amendment, which also outlaws medication abortion, to a number of bills, empowering private citizens to sue anyone they suspect of helping residents terminate in another state.
Seitz has admitted that he doesn’t actually know what treatment for an ectopic pregnancy entails, which may help explain why his bill makes so little sense. Since filing it, he has claimed that he mainly intends to block pregnant people from ordering abortion pills online — sort of a moot point because Missouri already bans abortion via telemedicine — explaining that the proposed legislation is simply “about protecting life,” which he believes begins at fertilization.
Previously, abortion opponents have suggested that post-Roe, “red states can have conservative policies, blue states can have progressive policies, and everyone will just leave each other alone,” Ziegler says. But the reality will likely be far messier. If they want to fully ban abortion, legislators in conservative states will have to confront the fact that more permissive environments may exist right next door and across the country.
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