The Trump administration has undoubtedly stretched the president’s war-making authority, but it had some help.
. Iraq could make a case that it now has a legal right to respond militarily. At the very least, Trump’s actions have put the future status of U.S. forces in Iraq in question.of American service members on his hands, and opposing commanders are considered fair game in war. But killing a country’s senior general is the sort of thing you only do when you are in aThe Trump administration is unlikely to agree with this framing.
In Trump’s defense, Iran is aware of these standards and has consistently exploited them. Figures like Muhandis are state officials working with nonstate actors, with often blurry and shifting loyalties, making them hard to fit into a traditional legal framework. Iran rarelydirectly. It acts through proxies—Iraqi and Syrian militias, Hezbollah, Yemen’s Houthis—and maintains just enough plausible deniability to avoid provoking direct retaliation.
Still, that doesn’t justify the dangerous escalation we’ve just seen, and the fact that old standards seem outdated doesn’t mean they should be thrown out entirely. Countries rarelyon each other anymore. While the U.S. has turned the entire world into a borderless counterterrorism battlefield, adversaries like Iran and Russia have become adept at fighting back by working in gray areas through proxies and unacknowledged covert actions.
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