Could Europe continue to defend itself without American troops and nuclear weapons?
’s bureaucracy and procedures, everyday military tasks became harder. States were reluctant to share intelligence, because Russian hackers had long ago penetrated the’s communication networks, which had been designed to carry information on fishing quotas rather than delicate war plans. A common joke in Brussels was that the’s intelligence school in Nicosia, run by Greece and Cyprus, had trained more Russian spies than European ones.
Europe was torn. A growing anti-nuclear movement cheered the departure of American weapons of mass destruction. But leaders were nervous. What if Mr Putin—now ensconced deep in Belarus—grabbed a chunk of Poland and then threatened to use nuclear weapons ifcounter-attacked? North Korea’s missiles could now comfortably reach all of Europe, and Iran had also revived its nuclear programme. Europe was dangerously vulnerable to nuclear blackmail.
As the year turned, things came off the rails. In January 2024, Italy’s parliament dramatically refused to ratify the alliance, with populist parties on left and right clubbing together. Greece and Spain followed weeks later. In Montenegro and Macedonia, coups brought to power pro-Russian governments—which promptly pulled out, too. France and Germany desperately tried to hold theon defence, a plan that would make it the world’s third-largest military power, after America and China, by 2030.
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