Scott Hall’s quest to find evidence of voter fraud in Georgia shows how off-the-books activity fueled the campaign to subvert Donald Trump’s 2020 election loss.
Donald Trump supporters protest the 2020 election results outside the state capitol in Georgia.
A few days later, Hall was part of a cadre of Trump loyalists who allegedly descended on Georgia’s Coffee County, population 43,000, to gain access to sensitive election data. He later boasted of his efforts, saying, “We scanned every freaking ballot.” The resulting picture makes clear how the wide-ranging campaign to subvert the 2020 election drew in a sprawling web of people with limited experience in election law who nonetheless styled themselves as specialists. Through some combination of faith in Trump’s most outlandish assertions and sheer force of will, these previously unknown players found an audience with some of the president’s most powerful allies and helped shape their scheme.
Neither Hall nor his attorney responded to requests for comment. Bossie, who has not been charged in connection with the election, also did not respond to inquiries. In court last month, Hall pleaded not guilty to charges that included conspiracy to commit election fraud and conspiracy to defraud the state, as well as violation of an anti-racketeering act originally aimed at dismantling organized crime groups. He was released on a $10,000 bond.Bail bonding is big business in Georgia.
In 2012, Hall was elected president of the national industry group representing bail bondsmen, the Professional Bail Agents of the United States. He also served as vice president of the state industry lobbying group, the Georgia Association of Professional Bondsmen. Those roles offered him clout in Atlanta and connections to state power brokers. “Many members here probably know me,” Hall told the Republican-led Georgia Senate panel when he testified in December 2020.
A settlement allowed the company to resume bonding in Gwinnett County under a different name and without Hall’s involvement. A business associate said the episode illustrated how Hall chafed against rising Democratic power in the state. “Scott was not equipped to deal with Democratic leaders,” the business associate said. “He didn’t have relationships. And his ideology was totally different.”
Reynolds, the Georgia Bureau of Investigation director, said Hall also contacted him directly to share his theories. “Scott is an articulate fellow,” Reynolds said. “He laid out what he was concerned with. We were doing our best to run down everything that came at us that we believed had any legs. Unequivocally nothing materialized.”
On Nov. 19, the audit affirmed Biden’s win. The next day, the chairman of the Georgia Republican Party, David Shafer, emailed a Trump campaign aide and state and national party staffers to alert them to Hall’s role “looking into the election” and to ask for their cooperation. Hall, he wrote, “has requested a list of voters who have told us that they returned their absentee ballots but that those ballots do not show as having been accepted.
Days later, Hall placed another call, this time to Clark, who had been an environmental lawyer and a mid-level Justice Department official until he was named acting chief of the civil division in summer 2020.
Donoghue, who resisted Clark’s proposal and later testified to Congress that he believed it would have sparked “a constitutional crisis,” did not respond to a request for comment. A Georgia-based lawyer for Clark, who was indicted alongside Hall in Fulton County, also did not respond to a request for comment.Hall urgently needed a plane.
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