The idea that the Five Star Movement offers a glimpse of the political future looks ever less convincing
of the death of Leonardo da Vinci, which is being marked this year, is a fine moment to savour the Italian talent for walking a step or two ahead of everybody else. The inventory of Italian brainwaves, from double-entry book-keeping to radio, is impressive. In politics, too, Italians have repeatedly anticipated trends and innovated—though not always happily, as with the invention of fascism. In 1968 students in Rome were rioting two months before ever a cobblestone was thrown in Paris.
So it was tempting to believe that Beppe Grillo, a politicised comedian in the mould of America’s Michael Moore or Britain’s Russell Brand, was ahead of the curve when he founded the Five Star Movement ten years ago. The late Gianroberto Casaleggio, the internet executive who inspired him, certainly had some original ideas.
This heterogeneous, even eccentric programme helped the Five Stars win a third of the seats in the legislature at the last general election in March 2018, more than any other party. That enabled it to govern first with the hard-right Northern League and, since September, with the centre-left Democratic Party.
So are the Five Stars in fact a cluster of meteors, doomed to burn out in the political atmosphere? The party has never fared well in regional elections. In these, the focus is on the rival merits of the candidates for regional governor. Thecould still pick up around 17% of the vote. But that is barely half what it won last year.defies easy classification, that is not always true of its voters.
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