Mother, may I: Just in case you, um, forgot...
His voice grew somber as he talked about the day last winter when Carrier announced it was moving more than 1,000 jobs to Mexico.make the Indiana case, it was clear that the die was cast,” Pence said. “The simple truth was that policies coming out of our nation’s capital were literally driving jobs out of this country.”
The media began tweeting furiously. The president-elect had just admitted he’d spaced on a major campaign promise and had only been reminded by a chance encounter on the nightly news! But tonight, Jones’ wrath was for Pence. I grabbed Jones coming in from a smoke break and asked about Pence’s role in the Carrier deal.I reminded Jones that he had met with Pence in March. Jones smiled a sad smile.In March, Pence met with Carrier’s parent company’s executives. Jones was there at the Statehouse with some union members carrying “Keep It Made in America” signs. As the cameras rolled, Pence invited him back for a meeting.
During my travels across the self-proclaimed Crossroads of America, I learned that Mike Pence had once paid his mortgage with campaign funds, dragged his feet during an HIV epidemic and a lead-poisoning outbreak, signed an anti-gay-rights bill that nearly cost Indiana millions of dollars, lost his mind on national TV with George Stephanopoulos, and turned away Syrian refugees in an unconstitutional ploy laughed out of federal court.
And here’s the frightening thing: Unlike his boss, Mike Pence has an actual ideology. Pence proclaimed at the 2016 GOP convention that “I am a Christian, a conservative and a Republican, in that order.” However, his actual record – including turning down up to $80 million in federal pre-K funding – is the antithesis of Jesus’ “whatever you do for one of the least of my brothers, you do for me” theology.
He stayed close to home and went to Hanover College. There, he became fascinated with evangelical Christianity and had His conversion reportedly caused consternation among his family, especially for his mother. He met Karen at church while he was studying at Indiana University Law School. Karen carried a gold cross with the word “yes” on it in her purse in anticipation of the moment when Mike would propose.
While this was not an illegal practice at the time, there was a delicious irony, since Pence’s main campaign plank was that Sharp was beholden to special interests, and here was Pence buying spaghetti with his donors’ money. , anti-gay organization that pronounced the protest movement that formed after the brutal 1998 murder of gay teen Matthew Shepard to be Just as disturbing was his use of reckless rhetoric, which prophesied why he would become so popular with the Tea Party.
2004 campaign of Mitch Daniels, Pence’s popular predecessor. State lawmakers were considering an amendment banningthat would have to pass through the legislature before it could be put before Indiana voters. Pence remained silent. Oesterle says he advised the governor that throwing himself behind an amendment pushed by far-right Christian groups wouldn’t do him any favors.
This became increasingly self-evident in late 2014. Pence had had a relatively good year: He accepted federal Medicaid “I was upset about RFRA, and then the photo came out and I was just like, ‘What the hell?'” says Robertson. What followed was one of the most embarrassing performances by a politician on national television this decade. Stephanopoulos asked a simple question: “So yes or no, if a florist in Indiana refuses to serve a gay couple at their wedding, is that legal now in Indiana?”The Religious Freedom Restoration Act has been on the books for more than 20 years. It does not apply, George, to disputes between individuals unless government action is involved.
medical help and is pressured into carrying her baby to term and given no immediate medical treatment. The program had to be suspended in 2016 when Real Alternatives was investigated on billing-overcharge claims, a crime it was already under investigation for in Pennsylvania when Pence granted the contract in 2015.
I drove down to Austin, Indiana, a town Pence seems to have avoided. I met two nurses at the town’s one-stop shop for HIV treatment and needle exchange. We piled into an SUV and drove to a nearby neighborhood. This wasn’t Pence’s fabled Indiana. There was a family living in a garage, and a trailer with a Nazi flag in the window, and another one with a black SS flag on a pole snapping in the wind. The neighborhood is the epicenter of an HIV outbreak that happened on Pence’s watch.
The legislation died without any action taken, almost exactly a year before Scott County began reporting a slew of HIV cases in January 2015. First, it was three cases in December 2014, and then the number quickly grew into double digits. The administration finally acknowledged the crisis in a February 25th press release, but still didn’t take any action. Pence’s office made it apparent to Clere that Pence would veto any bill that legalized needle exchange.
Meanwhile, nearby Clark County spent more than a year trying to organize and raise funds for its own needle exchange. The county is finally getting a program – one day a week for six hours. There was one other twist: The robotic repeating of talking points that buried him with Stephanopoulos proved an asset in a national campaign. He talked about Trump having faith in his heart. If you listened carefully, you could almost swear Pence believed it.a proud manufacturing state” echoes in a dyspeptic way as I walk the streets of the West Calumet Housing Complex, as a winter storm descends on East Chicago, Indiana.
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