Though all Democratic presidential candidates agree on the need for universal coverage, they disagree on how to achieve that
SPEAKING TO a crowd of 20,000 from beneath the enormous arch of Washington Square Park in New York City last week, Elizabeth Warren received the loudest cheers when she declared: “I know what’s broken, and I’ve got a plan to fix it”.
Throughout the primary, Ms Warren has signalled unwavering loyalty to the Medicare for All proposal advanced by Senator Bernie Sanders, a fellow progressive. But she was once more open to other positions. Though all presidential candidates agree on the need for universal coverage , they disagree on how to achieve that. Medicare for All, which has become the default progressive plan, envisions a single-payer system free at the point of service—abolishing private health-insurance schemes.
Ms Warren is not the only candidate to have sounded uncertain about health care. Kamala Harris has performed a tortured dance of support for the Medicare for All plan, flip-flopping several times on whether or not she would ban private insurance . Yet even Ms Harris, who has generally been much woollier on policy than Ms Warren, has released her own version of Medicare for All.
The problem with Ms Warren’s unwillingness to properly join this policy debate is that it leaves Mr Sanders’s specific vision for achieving universal coverage unchallenged. Germany and Australia have done what he proposes through a mix of public and private options—a model that may be more easily accomplished in America than a single-payer option.
Yet vagueness could be politically advantageous for Ms Warren. Her steadfast support for Medicare for All allows her to attract progressive voters within the Democratic electorate—especially the college-educated whites who have fuelled her rise in the polls. But the criticism of the plan from moderates has been directed at Mr Sanders. That dynamic was on vivid display in the last presidential debate, held in Houston on September 12th.
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