Robert Mugabe never saw tragedy in Zimbabwe's chaos and immiseration, only meddling by outsiders or vicious threats by rivals
BOOKS HE TRUSTED. One was usually in his hand in those first, mostly happy, years as Zimbabwe’s leader. He would be home at State House by 5.30pm, slamming doors so that his beloved Sally would know to come rushing. They crumpled together on a low armchair, almost on each other’s laps, she eating custard as he sipped tea. Then he would drape a long arm round her, while using the other to turn the pages of a favourite novel, usually British, often a Graham Greene.
As an African nationalist in Rhodesia, ruled by Ian Smith in the name of white supremacy, jail was inevitable. His 11 years behind bars for opposing white-minority rule he recalled as “a chunk of life” pointlessly stolen away. Again, books sustained him. He acquired seven degrees. As it did for Mandela, Nkrumah and Kenyatta, prison also earned him political credibility. Outdoor activity was harder.
He blamed Britain for all ills, including his country’s complete economic collapse which he had brought about in the first decade of this century. Inflation soared to 500 trillion %; a generation of people fled. The British, he claimed, had broken their word on paying for land reform. Yet he hankered for England, London shopping, Savile Row, cricket and high tea with “Johnny” Major. He was fonder still of royalty, telling with a twinkle of the queen’s happiness on visits to Zimbabwe.
Mr Mugabe never saw tragedy in his country’s chaos and immiseration, only meddling by outsiders or vicious threats by rivals. The army and his Central Intelligence Organisation ensured his grip on power, rigging elections, killing opponents, closing newspapers and scaring away a generation of bright and tolerant Zimbabweans who could have led Africa. His people succumbed to hunger, AIDS, cholera and despair.
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